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Traditional Clan-Tribal Structures and Modern Political System of Somalia
 
PIIS086919080029221-0-1
DOI10.31857/S086919080029221-0
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Andrey Korotayev 
Occupation: Head of the Laboratory of monitoring of risks of sociopolitical destabilization National Research University Higher School of Economics; leading researcher of the Institute of Oriental studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Professor FGP MSU
Affiliation:
National Research University Higher School of Economics
Institute of Oriental studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences
Lomonosov Moscow State University
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Timur R. Khairullin
Occupation: Senior Researcher, Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Senior lecturer, Department of Political Sciences, Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation; Associat
Affiliation:
Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation
Patrice Lumumba RUDN University
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Journal nameVostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
EditionIssue 1
Pages137-152
Abstract

In this study, we try to identify the impact that the traditional clan-tribal system has on the organization of political power in modern Somalia. For this purpose, an analysis of the clan and tribal affiliation of the top officials of the Somali state is carried out. A description is given of the traditional clan-tribal organization of the Somalis, as well as the modern clan situation in the country. An attempt is being made to find out how the clan-tribal organization influences the distribution of senior government positions. The priority right to occupy the posts of president and prime minister at the federal level is reserved for representatives of the “noble” camel-breeding clan families Hawiye and Darod. On the other hand, the position of speaker of parliament is reserved for representatives of the Rahanwein clan family, who must also perform the functions of the head of state (president) at critical moments when the former president, for one reason or another, is unable to fulfill his duties, until the next presidential election. Note also the spatial distribution of power between the main Somali clan families on the federal basis. In general, our research shows that the informal Arta agreements reached in 2000, which ensured a more or less acceptable distribution of power among the main Somali clan families, were observed in subsequent years with amazing accuracy, and this, despite all the colossal shocks that this country experienced in the 21st century, which appears to have contributed to a certain stabilization in this country.

KeywordsSomalia, clans, tribes, Horn of Africa, political system, Africa, radical Islamism
AcknowledgmentThe study was prepared with the financial support of the Russian Science Foundation. Project no. 19-18-00155.
Received10.02.2024
Publication date02.03.2024
Number of characters36786
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1 ВВЕДЕНИЕ
2 Современная общественно-политическая ситуация в Сомали характеризуется вялотекущей нестабильностью, принимающей периодически форму острого конфликта. Во многом это связано с неоднородностью сомалийского общества, геополитической конфигурацией, а также особенностями традиционной социально-политической организации сомалийцев. В числе общенаучных методов, примененных в настоящем исследовании, авторы сделали упор на специальном методе – выявлении кланово-племенной принадлежности руководителей и сопоставлении их с неписанными нормами, сформулированными по итогам артинской конференции. Анализ официальных документов, в частности, сомалийской конституции, помог достижению поставленных целей. Отметим, что несмотря на сохраняющиеся споры относительно административно-территориального деления Сомали, авторы исходят из реальных границ федеративного устройства сомалийского государства и рассматривают Сомали как единое государство, имеющее в своем составе сепаратистски настроенный Сомалиленд. Однако де-факто Сомалиленд считает себя независимым государством, который реального участия в федеральных политических процессах не принимает.
3 Кланово-племенная структура сомалийского общества
4

Особенностью общественного устройства в Сомали является наличие этнополитических образований, которые в современной англоязычной литературе чаще всего обозначаются как clans («кланы») [Lewis, 1988; Osman, Abebe, 2023; Zoppi, 2018; Yuusuf, 2021]. Вместе с тем, социальным антропологам, занимающимся традиционной социально-политической организацией населения стран Ближнего и Среднего Востока достаточно очевидно, что речь здесь идет именно о тех формах социально-политической организации, которые в этом регионе принято обозначать как qabā’il (ед. числ. qabīlah) и переводить на русский язык как «племена», а на английский – tribes [Eickelman, 2001, p. 65–119; Коротаев, 1995]. Для их обозначения применяется сомалийский термин qabiil, восходящий как раз к вышеупомянутому арабскому слову qabīlah.
5

Отметим, что в политической антропологии понятие «племя» может рассматриваться исследователями в качестве формы как политической, так и этнической организации. Знаменитый польско-британский социальный антрополог антрополог Б. Малиновский предлагал различать tribe-state (племя как форма политической организации) и tribe-nation (племя как этническое или субэтническое образование) [Malinowski, 2015; Korotayev, 1996]. Сомалийская qabiil имеет оба смысла и напоминает, как арабское словоупотребление термина qabīlah (как преимущественно формы социально-политической организации), так и суахилийское словоупотребление термина kabila как этнического образования (в суахили, например, словом kabila обозначаются и такие крупные этнические общности как масаи, маконде, кикуйю, луо или ираку). Это по всей видимости неслучайно, так как сомалийцы испытали и мощное арабское влияние, и воздействие суахилийской цивилизации (в настоящее время число сомалийцев, для которых родным языком является суахили, даже несколько превышает число тех, для которых родным языком является арабский) [Menkhaus, 2003].

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