“It Is Favorable to the Forces of Socialism to Keep the Americans in South-East Asia Longer”. The Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee in the Determination of the Strategic Line of the USSR in the Second Indochina War of 1965

 
PIIS086919080023344-5-1
DOI10.31857/S086919080023344-5
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Affiliation: Scientific Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Dean of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, State Academic University for the Humanities
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Occupation: Director of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI)
Affiliation: Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI)
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Journal nameVostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
EditionIssue 6
Pages6-28
Abstract

Based on a scrupulous review of a large body of documents from the Russian and some foreign archives, for the first time introduced into scholarly discourse, this article contemplates a period in the Soviet Union history, when the influence of the USSR in world affairs reached its maximum. It was a short by historical standards span, when the so-called “collective leadership” headed by Leonid I. Brezhnev, Alexei N. Kosygin and Nikolay V. Podgorny was at the helm of the Soviet state. The authors of the article show that it is unlikely that the transformation of the USSR into one of the superpowers would have been possible if not the US defeat in Indochina. With the aim of proving this premise, the authors have focused on the developments related to one of the turning points of the Cold War – the first half of 1965. In this context, the article closely analyses the course and results of the negotiations between Kosygin and the leaders of the DRV, PRC and DPRK. In fact, it was then, as evidenced by the researched documents, that the Soviet Union turned de facto from an observer into an actual participant in the Vietnam War (and, more broadly, the confrontation with the United States in the Far East) as part of the anti-American coalition of the USSR – PRC – DRV – DPRK. And although the authors are talking about a strategic plan in place – as it happens in real politics – and also in this case, it was born almost by accident, while the genuine masterminds of the geopolitical combination have remained in the shadow of history for many years.

KeywordsVietnam, Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, The Second indochina War, People’s Republic of China, Le Duan, “tricentric” world order, constellation of crises, military aid
Received08.12.2022
Publication date31.12.2022
Number of characters72425
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1 Историческая память является системообразующим фактором в процессе формирования нового мирового устройства, основанного на полицентричности. Для находящихся на подъеме новых центров сама история так или иначе превращается в часть политики, правящие в них элиты уделяют возрастающее внимание прошлому своих отношений с другими странами, в том числе с Россией. Важно это и для нас, причем с практической точки зрения – ведь внешняя политика очень инерционна. Обращение к новым источниковым данным позволяет глубже разобраться в эволюции отношений Советского Союза / России с вышеназванными государствами. К их числу относятся и такие быстро развивающиеся азиатские державы, как Китай и Вьетнам, занимающие важное место в системе связей России со странами Восточной и Юго-Восточной Азии. С этими странами нас связывают десятилетия непростых отношений, в основе которых тем, не менее, по большей части лежало сотрудничество и взаимопомощь перед лицом общей внешней угрозы.
2 Не являясь специалистами по Китаю и Вьетнаму, авторы не ставят перед собой задачу вторгнуться в сферу исследования истории и тем более деталей внутриполитической жизни этих стран. Этим успешно занимаются известные российские китаисты и вьетнамисты, в том числе, к примеру, большой коллектив авторов (в который входят также несколько зарубежных ученых) одного из томов изданной Президиумом Российской академии наук пятитомной «Полной академической истории Вьетнама» [Полная академическая история Вьетнама, Т. IV, Ч. 1, 2014]. Среди них, в частности, Л.А. Аносова, С.А. Благов, Е.В. Кобелев, Г.М. Локшин, В.М. Мазырин, О.В. Новакова, П.В. Познер, А.А. Соколов, М.А. Сюннерберг, Т.Н. Филимонова, П.Ю. Цветов. Следует упомянуть и о работах И. Гайдука [Gaiduk, 1996; Gaiduk, 2003], заложивших традицию исследования политики СССР в Индокитайских войнах на основе архивных документов, а также книгу Д. Зусмановича [Зусманович, 2016]. Нельзя не отметить не теряющую актуальности и сегодня блестящую монографию А.Д. Богатурова, посвященную «сквозному осмыслению истории международных отношений в Восточной Азии после Второй мировой войны» [Богатуров, 1997], или совсем недавно опубликованную статью В.Н. Колотова [Колотов, 2022]. Цель нашего исследования состоит в том, чтобы предложить новый взгляд на формирование политики Советского Союза в отношении Второй индокитайской войны на основе введения в научный оборот таки́х документов из отечественных архивов, которые долгое время находились на закрытом хранении. Мы надеемся, что в ближайшем будущем увидят свет и другие наши статьи, в которых параллельно публикуемой работе будут рассмотрены проблемы стратегического планирования и истории внешней политики СССР той же эпохи 1960-х гг. в отношении некоторых других стран зарубежного Востока, что позволит выйти на широкие обобщения.

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