The State and The Muslim Ummah: Mechanisms of Administration and Interaction in Russia and the Arab World

 
PIIS086919080013655-7-1
DOI10.31857/S086919080013655-7
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Affiliation: Institute of Oriental Studies RAS
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Occupation: senior Researcher
Affiliation: Centre for Arabic and Islamic Studies Institute of Oriental Studies
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Affiliation: Head of the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies RAS. Associate Professor of the Faculty of World Politics, Lomonosov Moscow State University and of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, State Academic University for the Humanitie
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Occupation: Associate Professor of the Department of History of the Near and Middle East, Institute of Asian and African Studies, Lomonosov Moscow State University
Affiliation:
Lomonosov Moscow State University
Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow
Journal nameVostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
EditionIssue 1
Pages54-69
Abstract

The article is dedicated to the issues of relations between the state and Islam in Russia and the Arab World. Exploring the Arab experience, the authors highlight Algerian, Egyptian and Syrian cases as most relevant for being compared to the situation in Russia. The methodological part of the article classifies the institutions of Islamic communities’ self-organization and state policies towards Islam. While the direction of relationships between states and religion is unique in every particular case, defined by peculiarities of historical development, architecture of political systems and social structures, one can discover some general patterns. For instance, the comparative historical analysis of evolution of government policies towards Islam proves that at the stage of statehood establishment, both the Soviet administration and the governments of Arab republics had similar objectives of social modernization and consolidation of political system. This fact predetermined oppression of traditional religious institutions through Islamic reform movements. After the governments had achieved the consolidation of political systems, the models of their interaction with Islam became significantly different. In the Arab World, it was the beginning of the “Islamic turn”, leading to the revival and expansion of religious social and political structures. On the other side, USSR saw the “statification” of Islam, division between “formal” and “informal” religion. In late 20th – early 21th centuries, both Russia and the Arab countries have faced similar challenges and threats, causing the securitization of relations between state and religion, that has developed in absolutely different conditions and has been imposed by different mechanism.

KeywordsIslam, Islamic organizations, Russia, USSR, Syria, Egypt, Algeria
AcknowledgmentThe reported study was funded by RFBR and EISR according to the research project № 20-011-31269
Received09.02.2021
Publication date25.02.2021
Number of characters40803
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1 Настоящее исследование посвящено тому, как в исторической ретроспективе формировались и развивались отношения между государством и исламскими институтами в России (СССР) и ряде арабских стран.
2 Подобный компаративный анализ ранее, насколько нам известно, не проводился, опыт же отдельных стран в мировой историографии представлен очень неравномерно [Арапов, 2005; Арапов, 2011; Ланда, 1995; 2016; Boo et al., 2014; Hinnebusch, 1988; Lust-Okar, 2005; Wickham, 2002; Pargeter, 2016; El Sekhily, 2019; Affan, 2019].
3 Само сравнение российского и арабских подходов к этой проблематике, на первый взгляд, кажется несколько непривычным. Гораздо более принято сравнивать Россию с государствами Запада или же со странами так называемой периферии исламского мира – Китаем, Индией и др. [Мацузато, 2012], в которых мусульмане составляют в большинстве случаев хотя и значимые, но все же меньшинства, а государство, по крайней мере декларативно, дистанцируется от религии.
4 В то же время как значимость арабского опыта религиозно-политической жизни для российских мусульман, так и относительная схожесть вызовов, с которыми на разных этапах своего существования сталкивались Россия и арабские государства, делают подобное сопоставление чрезвычайно перспективным.
5 Более того, априорно заданные серьезные различия между странами могут рассматриваться скорее не как препятствия для сравнения, а как дополнительный аргумент в его пользу. Благодаря этим различиям компаративный анализ позволит гораздо более полно описать спектр отношений между государством и мусульманскими сообществами, а также проблематизировать отдельные наиболее важные аспекты этих отношений, которые вне сравнительной перспективы не выявляются.
6 С кем сравнить Россию?
7 Вместе с тем многообразие арабских государств, принципиальные различия их политических систем, исторического опыта и существующих в них религиозных ситуаций заставляют с известной осторожностью относиться к обобщенному исследованию их опыта и возможности его сопоставления с российским.
8 Арабские монархии в целом отличаются чрезвычайно большой спецификой как с точки зрения архитектуры политических систем, так и в плане социально-экономической структуры обществ.
9 В трех из них религиозные элементы остаются ключевыми в организации политической власти.
10 В наиболее явной форме это выражено в Марокко. Согласно ст. 41 Конституции [Dahir № 1-11-91 du 27 chaabane 1432 (29 juillet 2011)] страны король наделяется религиозным титулом повелителя правоверных (амир аль-му’минин), провозглашается защитником религии, гарантом свободы вероисповедания и главой Высшего совета улемов – единственного органа, уполномоченного издавать богословско-правовые заключения (фетвы). Упоминание Совета в контексте основных функций главы государства, с одной стороны, делает этот орган одним из ключевых в политической системе страны, а с другой – усиливает религиозную легитимность монаршей власти.

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