Influence of Religious Identity on Lebanon’s Political System

 
PIIS086919080011350-2-1
DOI10.31857/S086919080011350-2
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Occupation: - Associate Professor
Affiliation: Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO), leading researcher at the Federal Scientific Research Center of Institute of Social and Political Studies of the Russian Academy of Science
Address: Moscow, Fotievoy St. 6, bldg. 1, Moscow, Russia, 119333
Occupation: Junior researcher
Affiliation: Institute of social and political research of the Federal research sociological center of the Russian Academy of Sciences
Address:  Fotievoy St., 6, bldg. 1, Moscow, Russia, 119333
Journal nameVostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
EditionIssue 5
Pages131-141
Abstract

<p >The Lebanese experience of consociational democracy is considered by many scholars a successful transition from civil war propagated by religious conflict to a sustainable democracy. However, Lebanon’s  political process can be described as unstable, resulting in political vacuum on several occasions due to different parties’ politicians’ inability to reach agreements. Moreover, the country’s political and socio-economic circumstances prompted a severe economic crisis, culminating in an uprising in October 2019 and the consequent collapse of the government, indicate that consociational democracy has been unsuccessful in promoting stability, prosperity and unity.          In this article, the authors argue that religion’s heavy influence on people’s identities in Lebanon has resulted in a fragmented society and a political process guided by clientelism and characterised by weak and corrupt governmental institutions. For decades, religious identity in Lebanon has been shaped and reshaped by local and foreign actors in pursuit of political or other goals. The country’s history, from Ottoman rule to the French mandate to independence in 1943, serves as a witness to this process of utilising religious identities with the purpose of harnessing and monopolising more power within political, social and economic institutions.         After the Ottoman Empire fell, France gained control over Lebanon and during its mandate, it favoured the Christian communities over others, further deepening cleavages within a society already divided along confessional lines. These divisions persisted and grew deeper after the Sykes-Pikot agreement (1916) and under the French mandate and persisted after the country gained its independence. Today, religious identities and loyalties continue to play a significant role in shaping Lebanese politics, thus hindering political, economic and social development. 

 

KeywordsLebanon, Conflict, Religion, Religious Identity, Ta’if Agreement, Civil War, Consociational Democracy, Power Distribution, Religious Conflict
Received10.09.2020
Publication date31.10.2020
Number of characters41406
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1 INTRODUCTION The Middle East, a region that has served as home for the three most prominent monotheistic religions in the world - Judaism, Christianity and Islam, has throughout its centuries-old history suffered from foreign interventions and religious conflicts that, at times, turned into bloody civil wars. Although conflicts are often motivated by political rather than religious interests, religious communities have a significant influence on identity formation in this region. These religious communities are often politicised leading to outbreaks of violence or political competition between different religious communities and identities. In the 20th and 21st century, “confessional politics have become salient in countries with significant religious minorities” as is evident in Palestine/Israel, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon [Shitrit & Lee, 2014, . 210]. Among these countries, Lebanon is considered to have a unique experience in the region for establishing a political system that embraces all major religious groups within its borders and gives them proportional representation in governmental organisations. The Lebanese power-sharing system (otherwise known as a consociational democracy) has been hailed as a success for its ability to maintain stability and promote democracy. However, the political, social and economic realities in the country invite one to reconsider just how successful this consociational system is.
2 In October 2019, protests erupted demanding the government’s resignation and a change from a consociational to a technocratic political system. The protests were primarily instigated by the country's deteriorating economic situation and newly proposed taxes. As a consequence of these protests, Prime Minister Sa’d al Hariri resigned and the government subsequently collapsed. This event, among others to be discussed later, serve as indicators that the power-sharing system has failed in promoting internal stability, development and economic growth. This article argues that Lebanese consociationalism has fostered weak governmental economic and social institutions, corruption and a society heavily divided along sectarian lines. It further looks at how and why religious identity has become politically salient - on several occasions leading to conflicts including a 15-year long civil war. According to K.V. Dubrovskaia, “характерной чертой ливанской политической системы является политический конфессионализм обусловленный проживанием на территории Ливана как мусульман различных направлений … так и христиан ... Данные группы представляют собой обособленные религиозные общины, которые имеют различное происхождение и собственные сложившиеся социокультурные особенности - a characteristic feature of the Lebanese political system is political confessionalism due to the habitation of various Muslim groups in the territory of Lebanon in various as well as [various] Christians [groups]... These groups are separate religious communities that have different origins and their own socio - cultural characteristics“ [Dubrovskaia, 2019, pg. 101]. The history of the country’s creation, as well as foreign and local powers that saw in the religious diversity within Lebanon a tool for maintaining power and control serve as a witness to the significant role played by religious identity in dictating Lebanese politics. As such, the authors will begin with highlighting politically significant moments in the country’s history from the time of the weakening of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century up until current times, and analyse the role played by religious identities in shaping these moments. Furthermore, the characteristics and political, economic and social consequences of the existing power-sharing system will be assessed and analysed.
3 HISTORICAL QUESTIONS OF RELIGIOUS IDENTITY IN LEBANON During the Ottoman Empire, the territory now known as Lebanon was an autonomous region named Mount Lebanon founded 1861 by an international commission and included “меньше половины территории современного Ливана — less than half the territory of modern-day Lebanon” [Мохов & Мохова, 2012, C. 203]. The inhabitants of this territory were mostly Christians and Druzes and, due to recurring bloody conflicts between them, European countries saw their intervention in the situation as necessary. This intervention resulted in an agreement under which the region came to be governed by a Christian Maronite provincial governor subject to the Ottoman Empire, and a council made up of twelve representatives of the main confessional groups living in the territory (Maronites, Druzes, Sunnis, Shi’ites, Orthodox and Greek Catholics). Dubrovskaia points out that “конфессиальный подход к выстраиванию политической системы был перенят Ливанской Республикой у Османской империи, применявшей его для управления арабскими провинциями - the confessional approach to building a political system was adopted by the Lebanese Republic from the Ottoman Empire, which used it to govern the Arab provinces” [Dubrovskaia, 2019, pg. 102].

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