Value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability: gender dimensions

Occupation: Head of Laboratory, National Reasearch University Higher School of Economics; Chief Research Fellow, Institute for African Studies, RAS
Affiliation:
National Reasearch University Higher School of Economics
Institute for African Studies, RAS
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow

Kira V. Meshcherina

Occupation: Junior Research Fellow, Laboratory for Monitoring the Risks of Socio-Political Destabilization, National Research University Higher School of Economics; Junior Research Fellow, Centre for Global and Strategic Studies, Institute for African Studies, Russia
Affiliation:
Laboratory for Monitoring the Risks of Socio-Political Destabilization, National Research University Higher School of Economics
Centre for Global and Strategic Studies, Institute for African Studies, RAS
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow

Elena Slinko

Occupation: Head of the Research Center of the International Information Agency “Russia Today”
Affiliation: International Information Agency “Russia Today”
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow

Alisa Shishkina

Occupation: Junior Research Fellow, Laboratory for Monitoring the Risks of Socio-Political Destabilization, National Research University Higher School of Economics; Junior Research Fellow, Centre for Global and Strategic Studies, Institute for African Studies, Russia
Affiliation:
Laboratory for Monitoring the Risks of Socio-Political Destabilization, National Research University Higher School of Economics
Institute for African Studies, RAS
Address: Russian Federation, Moscow

Journal name

Vostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost

Edition

Issue 1

Pages

122-154

Abstract

The article considers the value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability on the basis of two gender dimensions: gender power and economic gender dimension. The authors include in the Afrasian zone of instability the Near and Middle East including North Africa, Central Asia and Pakistan, as well as the Sahel countries. The analysis allows to conclude that, according to some of the countries' values, the Afrasian zone forms a fairly compact cluster which differs markedly both from the countries of Africa south of the Sahel and from the Eastern Islamic countries, such as Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia. The differences of the countries of the Afrasian zone from Africa south of the Sahel are especially pronounced in these dimensions. The Eastern Islamic countries differ quite strongly from the countries of the Afrasian zone in the political gender space. But their differences are not so obvious in the economic gender space, although these differences, however, are statistically significant. This fact correlates well with the fact that the countries of Africa south of the Sahel are characterized by high female labor force participation rates. This feature radically differentiates them from the countries of the Afrasian zone, for the majority of which extremely low female labor force participation rates are rather typical. At the same time, the Eastern Islamic countries where female labor force participation rates are close to the world average, do not differ so much from the countries of the Afrasian zone in the economic gender value dimension.

Keywords

values, quantitative analysis, Afrasian instability zone, Islamic World, democratic values, gender equality, patriarchal values

Acknowledgment

This article is an output of a research project implemented as part of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) in 2019 with support by the Russian Science Foundation (Project No. 18-18-00254).

Publication date

21.03.2019

Number of characters

45848

Cite

GOST	Korotayev A., Meshcherina K., Slinko E., Shishkina A. Value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability: gender dimensions // Vostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost – 2019. – Issue 1 C. 122-154 [Electronic resource]. URL: https://vostokoriens.jes.su/S086919080003963-6-1 (circulation date: 26.04.2024). DOI: 10.31857/S086919080003963-6
MLA	Korotayev, Andrey, Meshcherina, Kira V, Slinko, Elena, Shishkina, Alisa "Value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability: gender dimensions." Vostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost 1 (2019):122-154. DOI: 10.31857/S086919080003963-6
APA	Korotayev A., Meshcherina K., Slinko E., Shishkina A. (2019). Value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability: gender dimensions. Vostok. Afro-Aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost (1), pp.122-154 DOI: 10.31857/S086919080003963-6

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К настоящему времени проблема ценностей, характерных для исламских стран вообще, и арабских стран в особенности, стала объектом многочисленных исследований. Большое внимание при этом уделялось политическим (и в особенности демократическим) ценностям [Ayubi, 1991; Tessler, 2002a, 2002b; Fattah, 2006; Moaddel, 2007b; Jamal, Tessler, 2008; Amaney et al., 2008; Pintak, Setiyono, 2011; Metcalfe, 2011; Forster, Fenwick, 2015; Inglehart, 2002, 2007, 2017; Grinin et al., 2018; Diwan, Tzannatos, Akin, 2018], трудовым ценностям [Dorfman, Howell, 1988; Kim et al., 1994; Yousef, 2000, 2001; Robertson et al., 2002; Ball, Haque, 2003; Hodge, 2005; Parboteeah et al., 2009; Al-Najjar, 2011; Rafiki, Wahab, 2014; Forster, Fenwick, 2015; Shirokanova, 2015; Hammoudeh, 2016; Diwan, Tzannatos, Akin, 2018], культурным [Baker, 2000; Whiteoak et al., 2006; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Al Omoush et al., 2012; Chun et al., 2015], религиозным [Ball, Haque, 2003; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Khan, 2012; Panjwani, 2013; Fenwick, 2015; Huda, Kartanegara, 2015; Panjwani, Moulin-Stożek, 2017; Göle, 2017], семейным ценностям [Barakat, 1993; Baker, 2003; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Metcalfe, 2011; Beitin, Aprahamian, 2014], гендерным установкам [Костенко, 2014, 2017а, 2017б; Joseph, 1996; Tessler, 2002; Whiteoak et al., 2006; Elamin, Omair, 2010; Tlaiss, Kauser, 2011; Yeganeh, May, 2011; Metcalfe, 2011; Beitin, Aprahamian, 2014; Forster, Fenwick, 2015; Fox et al., 2016; Abbott, 2017; Glas, Spierings, Scheepers, 2018; Diwan, Tzannatos, Akin, 2018].

При этом в качестве объекта рассмотрения выступают арабские страны в целом [Костенко, 2017б; Стребкова, Понарин, 2017; Glidden, 1972; Tessler, 2002b; Jamal, Tessler, 2008; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; AlOmoush et al., 2012; Ponarin, Kostenko, 2013; Fox et al., 2016; Hammoudeh, 2016], отдельные арабские страны [Hofstede, 1980; Ronen, Shenkar, 1985; Joma, 1991; Robertson et al., 2002; Tessler, 2002a; Richardson, 2004; Whiteoak et al. 2006; Forster, Fenwick, 2015; Abbott, 2017], в целом исламский мир (Hanafi, 2002; Ball, Haque, 2003; Fattah, 2006; Halstead, 2007; Nasr, 2009; Panjwani, 2013; Hammoudeh, 2016; Göle, 2017], отдельные неарабские исламские страны [Johns, 1987; Kabeer, 1991; Federspiel, 1998; Harahap, 2003; Pintak, Setiyono, 2011; Tafti et al., 2012; Muchtar et al., 2017], а также арабские или исламские диаспоры в различных странах мира [Костенко, 2014, 2017а; Osman, 1997; Zolberg, Woon, 1999; Hodge, 2002 Tessler, 2003; Cesari, 2004; Cukur et al., 2004; Ajrouch, 2005; Saroulou et al., 2009; Halstead, 2010; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Pintak, Setiyono, 2011; Kalliny, 2012; Chun et al., 2015].

Исследователи отмечают, что для мусульман характерны следующие ценностные ориентации:

высокая религиозность [Коротаев, Халтурина, 2008, c. 134−141; Халтурина, Коротаев, 2009, c. 155−162; Коротаев, Столярова, Халтурина, 2012; Ali, 1992; Kruckeberg, 1996, p. 181; Hodge, 2002; Inglehart, Norris, 2003a, b; Kenny, 2003; Yaran, 2003; Jandt, 2006; Inglehart, 2007, p. 32−38; Halstead, 2007; Al-Kandari, Gaither, 2011; Rafiki, Wahab, 2014; Huda, Kartanegara, 2015]. Такие фундаментальные ценности, как вера в Бога, пророчество Мухаммеда и Коран, как слово божье, несомненно, имеют огромную важность в мусульманском обществе [Moaddel, 2007b, p. 7]. Некоторые исследователи утверждают, что арабы и мусульмане в целом имеют предопределенное отношение к жизни и событиям вокруг, основанное на религии [Kruckeberg, 1996, p. 181]. События не происходят без воли Аллаха, поскольку его законы описывают Вселенную, а стихийные бедствия происходят как наказание за проступки и грехи людей [Jandt, 2006]. Ряд исследователей подчеркивают, что вера определяет поведение и нравственные качества мусульман [Ashraf, 1988, p. 76; Khan, 1987, p. 28], объединяя понятия морального и религиозного долга как две стороны одной монеты [Halstead, 2007]. В частности, по результатам опроса, проведенного в Египте, Иордании, Саудовской Аравии, Иране, 79−85% жителей этих стран утверждают, что религия имеет большое значение в их жизни [Moaddel, 2007a, p. 214], а порядка 94% совершенно точно заявляют, что они верят в жизнь после смерти, существование рая и ада [Moaddel, 2007a, p. 214; Тищенко и др., 2010, с. 384−387], при этом считается, что эвтаназия и аборты нарушают сакральность человеческой жизни, что ведет к крайне отрицательному отношению к этим явлениям в исламских странах [Haddad, Smith, 1996; Zuhur, 1995]. Вместе с тем Р. Инглхарт отмечает, что в посткоммунистических исламских странах уровень религиозности заметно ниже, чем в исламских странах, никогда не бывших под властью коммунистов [Inglehart, 2007, p. 32−38];
патриархальные ценности и низкий уровень поддержки гендерного равенства [Тищенко и др. 2010, с. 384−387; Костенко, 2014, 2017а; Barakat, 1993; Kulwicki, 1996; AbuHabib, 1997; Fish, 2002; Read, 2003; Inglehart, 2003a, 2003b; Norris, Inglehart, 2004; Whiteoak et al., 2006; Moaddel, 2007a, p. 228; Inglehart, 2007, p. 45; Elamin, Omair, 2010; Alexander, Welzel, 2011b, c, 2015; Yeganeh, May, 2011; Inglehart, 2017]. Патриархальные ценности подразумевают ограничение роли женщины в семье, экономике и политике, возвышение мужчины-кормильца, который требует полного уважения и послушания [Barakat, 1993]. Многие исследователи отмечают, что для мусульман характерно пониженное отрицание полигамности [Moaddel, 2007a, p. 224−228], особое традиционное негативное отношение к вступлению в брак без согласия родителей, неодобрение разводов и абортов [Norris, Inglehart, 2002]; впрочем, некоторые авторы [Лопатина и др., 2016] достаточно убедительно показывают, что отрицательное отношение к абортам связано прежде всего с глубокой религиозностью, и при этом совсем не обязательно исламской. Своего рода традиционность в отношениях с женщиной передается через отказ от социального взаимодействия мальчиков и девочек и подчеркивание необходимости раздельного обучения после детского сада [Simmons, Simmons, Allah, 1994; Mahmoud, 1996]. Низкий уровень поддержки гендерного равенства выражается в отрицании равных прав на работу у мужчин и женщин (в особенности, если рабочих мест не хватает), отсутствии положительного отношения к женщине как к хорошему управленцу и/или политическому лидеру [Paxton, Kunovich, 2003; Rizzo et al., 2007, p. 1164; Stockemer, 2015], или даже в ограничении прав на получение образования и т. д [Afshah, 1996];
запрос на демократические ценности. Важным открытием здесь было то, что, по данным Всемирного исследования ценностей, для большинства мусульманских стран оказался характерным очень высокий уровень поддержки идеи демократического образа правления [Inglehart, 2002, 2007, 2017; Rizzo et al., 2007; Rowley, Smith 2009], при этом особо высокой поддержкой утверждение о том, что «демократия является наилучшей формой правления»,пользовалось в мусульманских странах именно среди глубоко религиозных мусульман [Al-Braizat, 2002; Moaddel, 2006; Tessler, 2002a, 2002b; Tessler, Altinoglu, 2004; Hoffman, Jamal, 2014; Spierings, 2014]. Как мы уже отмечали в одной из наших предыдущих работ, это в общем-то и неудивительно. Действительно, «бурный рост популярности демократических идей среди многих исламистов связан с тем, что исламистские представления пользуются широкой поддержкой населения в значительном числе мусульманских стран, а значит, они имеют там самые реальные шансы прийти к власти демократическим путем. Действительно, проведение свободных выборов там вполне закономерно заканчивается победой исламистов, что не может не вызывать у многих исламистов симпатии к этой форме политической организации государства» [Grinin, Korotayev, Tausch, 2018, c. 77−78]. Однако, как справедливо отмечает М. Тесслер [Tessler, 2002a, 2002b], несмотря на очевидное предпочтение демократии среди мусульманской общественности, только одна четверть всех исламских стран являются демократиями (да при этом неконсолидированными). Большинство исследований в этой области (см., например: [Hayes, McAllister, Studlar, 2000; Inglehart, Baker, 2000; Inglehart 2002, 2003b, 2007, 2017; Inglehart, Norris, 2003a, 2003b; Alexander, Welzel, 2011a,b,c] основываются на идее о том, что реальная разница между Западом и мусульманским миром заключается не в приверженности демократии (так как приверженность к ней сейчас очень сильна в мусульманском мире), а в разных взглядах на гендерные и семейные проблемы.
трудовая этика мусульман. Многие исследователи подчеркивают важность бизнеса и торговли для ислама (см., например: [Ali, 1992; Yousef, 2000, 2001]). А. Али [Ali, 1992] и Д.А. Юсеф [Yousef, 2000, 2001] называют учение Пророка о бизнесе и работе исламской трудовой этикой. Это дает набор рекомендаций о том, как работать и вести бизнес. Работа должна быть выполнена в меру своих способностей, деловые и рабочие отношения должны быть честными и открытыми для поощрения доверия, и должно быть справедливое отношение к работникам. Особо отметим чрезвычайно интересный результат, полученный недавно А. Широкановой, которая совершенно убедительно показала, что современные мусульмане демонстрируют более высокий уровень протестантской трудовой этики, чем современные протестанты [Shirokanova, 2015]. Отметим, что это прекрасно коррелирует с проведенными нами ранее исследованиями, показавшими, что протестантская трудовая этика в настоящее время свойственна жителям развивающихся стран в большей степени, чем развитых [Тищенко, Коротаев, Халтурина, 2010], что, на наш взгляд, является важным (хотя и отнюдь не единственным) фактором идущих после конца 1980-х гг. процессов Великой конвергенции, когда темпы экономического роста развивающихся стран систематически заметно превышают таковые в странах развитых [Коротаев, Халтурина, 2008; Grinin, Korotayev, 2015].
высокий уровень поддержки политического ислама/исламизма в большинстве непосткоммунистических мусульманских стран [Karatnicky, 2002; Tausch, 2013, 2014, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Achilov, Sen, 2016; Grinin et al., 2018]; при этом Ачилов и Сен показывают, что большинство религиозных мусульман поддерживают политически умеренный ислам, и лишь меньшинство – радикальный исламизм [Achilov, Sen, 2016].

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Value orientations of the Afrasian zone of instability: gender dimensions

Table of contents