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Electoral Districts in the U.S.: Gerrymandering as an Aspect of Partisan Competition
 
PIIS013122270013191-1-1
DOI10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-10-52-63
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Anastasia A. Bunina 
Occupation: Junior Researcher
Affiliation: Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO)
Address: Profsoyuznaya Str., 23, Moscow, 117997, Russian Federation
Journal nameMirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia
EditionVolume 64 Issue 10
Pages52-63
Abstract

The paper conducts a comprehensive study of gerrymandering. First, the author describes the regulation of the redistricting process in the United States, focusing on the methods to limit partisan influence. Any commission but independent would still provide some space for gerrymandering. Even bipartisan control is not enough, as the parties would be willing to gerrymander with compromise, thus lowering competition. Looking for a method to measure gerrymandering, the author studies scholarship on the issue, specifically approaches to fairness and competition of elections. It is concluded that any method of redistricting is flawed, and thus any decision on congressional districts will have political consequences, changing the balance in favor of one of the parties. Next, the paper provides the 2018 election data to illustrate the features of the U.S. electoral geography and explains the complexity of competition between the parties. Polarization leads to clustering of partisan supporters, which naturally diminishes the competition, making the system less responsive. Ongoing demographic trends form a distribution of voters that is easier to gerrymander to advantage the Republican Party. The author considers this one of the two reasons why the Democratic Party has been advocating for independent commissions and court-ruled maps. The second reason is that this party was the victim of well-planned gerrymandering in 2011. Both sides now have entities to coordinate efforts on state elections campaigns and win seats to control redistricting, as it will cement their partisan advantage for 10 years. Finally, the article analyzes data showing the degree of 2011 gerrymandering. Regardless of serious Republican gains in 2010, the Democrats were able to gerrymander several states. This shows that Democrats condemn gerrymandering but abuse redistricting, too. The author forecasts that this duality will persist after 2020. If in control, the Democrats would not only cancel the Republican gerrymandering, but would be willing to use the tool themselves. 

KeywordsGerrymandering, U.S. electoral system, electoral districts, Congress elections, electoral geography, polarization, Republican Party, Democratic party, U.S. House of Representatives
Received25.12.2020
Publication date25.12.2020
Number of characters37353
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Table of contents

ПОЗИЦИИ ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЕЙ
РЕГИОНАЛЬНЫЙ КОНТРОЛЬ
ФЕДЕРАЛЬНЫЙ КОНТРОЛЬ
МЕТОДЫ ОПРЕДЕЛЕНИЯ ДЖЕРРИМЕНДЕРИНГА
СПЕЦИФИКА ЭЛЕКТОРАЛЬНОЙ ГЕОГРАФИИ США
ОТНОШЕНИЕ ПАРТИЙ К ДЖЕРРИМЕНДЕРИНГУ
АКТУАЛЬНЫЙ ДЖЕРРИМЕНДЕРИНГ
ДЕМОГРАФИЧЕСКИЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИИ
* * *
1 В последнее десятилетие американские СМИ и исследователи в рассуждениях о причинах политического кризиса, высокой поляризации и неоднозначных результатов выборов в Конгресс часто обращаются к джерримендерингу. В изменении границ избирательных округов видят фактор, способный определить политический баланс. Демократы обвиняют республиканцев в злоупотреблении электоральной географией, осуждают джерримендеринг и призывают ужесточить контроль, республиканцы же говорят о неконституционности и политическом характере предлагаемых реформ.
2 С ростом поляризации американский политический процесс превратился в биполярное соперничество, игру с нулевой суммой. Находящаяся у власти партия использует любые законные методы для сохранения своего статуса. Можно стремиться победить на выборах, а можно также изменить их условия так, чтобы другая сторона на могла победить. Для этого партии обращаются к электоральной географии. Каждые десять лет по всей стране меняются границы избирательных округов, этот процесс называется редистриктингом (redistricting)1. Находящаяся у власти партия старается сделать так, чтобы новые округа обеспечили ей преимущество на выборах. Именно это злоупотребление определением границ называется джерримендеринг (gerrymandering)2. Эта проблема существует практически с момента формирования американской государственности. Термин появился в 1812 г., когда губернатор Массачусетса Э. Джерри создал округа настолько неестественной формы, что их очертания напоминали саламандру, которую шутливо назвали “джерримандрой”. 1. Изменение границ избирательных округов.

2. Употребляется также как “джерримандеринг”.
3 Периодическое изменение границ округов происходит для выборов как в Палату представителей, так и в легислатуры штатов. На региональном уровне получается, что законодатели определяют свои же округа и могут выбрать, кто будет их избирателями. Джерримендеринг выборов в Конгресс происходит не везде: в зависимости от размера населения у некоторых штатов всего один или два конгрессмена3. Автором анализируется преимущественно федеральный редистриктинг, так как он более непосредственно связан с национальной политикой и будущим страны. 3. В соответствии с термином congressman здесь и далее под конгрессменом подразумевается член Палаты представителей.
4 Данная статья дает ответы на несколько вопросов. Во-первых, какова реальная роль джерримендеринга в политической системе? Во-вторых, действительно ли демократы занимаются джерримендерингом меньше, чем республиканцы? Соответственно, следует ли ожидать более сбалансированной избирательной карты в случае их победы на выборах 2020 г.?
5

ПОЗИЦИИ ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЕЙ
6 Исследовательский интерес в отношении джерримендеринга развивался вместе с самим институтом. Особенно активным академическое сообщество стало в 1970-е годы после введения регулярного редистриктинга, так как появились эмпирические данные по всем штатам. Уже в то время ученые начали сомневаться в значимости джерримендеринга.

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