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The Decline and Fall of Khazaria – Might or Money?
 
Код статьиS086919080021412-0-1
DOI10.31857/S086919080021412-0
Тип публикации Статья
Статус публикации Опубликовано
Авторы
Feldman Alex  
Аффилиация: College of International Studies
Адрес: Испания, Мадрид
Название журналаВосток. Афро-Азиатские общества: история и современность
ВыпускВыпуск 4
Страницы75-84
Аннотация

This paper explores the underlying reasons for the 10–11th-century decline and disappearance of Khazaria. According to the Russian Primary Chronicle, Khazaria was conquered by the Kievan Rus’ian prince Svjatoslav in the 960s after a prolonged period of mutual estrangement between Byzantine Christendom and Khazaria following the khağans’ late-9th-century adoption of Judaism. This is undoubtedly an important part of the story of Khazaria’s decline and disappearance, but it ignores larger economic factors at play – which were more related to Islamic-Judaic economics than Christian-Judaic politics. In the early 920s, the Islamic scholar and traveler ibn Fadlān ventured around the eastern Caspian to Bolgar, the town of Almuš, the ruler of the Volga Bulgars, who was concurrently subjugated to the Judaic Khazarian khağan. Utilizing ibn Fadlān’s Islamic learning, Almuš converted to Islam and effectively declared independence from the Judaic Khazarian khağan. Within a generation, the silver trade routes which flowed from the south through the Caucasus to Khazaria in exchange for pagan slaves from the far north, on which the Khazarian khağans had relied for centuries, shifted around to ibn Fadlān’s route to the east of the Caspian Sea, from Islamic Khwārazmia to Islamic Volga Bulgaria, and bypassing the tolls levied by the Judaic khağans. Very quickly, the khağans could not pay their soldiers to defend their realm from the increasingly emboldened Rus’ assaults. Ultimately, there is evidence that the decline and fall of Khazaria reflected an Islamic preference to do direct business between Khwārazmia and the Volga Bulgaria and to bypass Khazaria altogether.

Ключевые словаthe Volga Bulgaria, Islamic history, Eurasian history, Byzantine history, Khazarian history, political history, theological history, economic history, numismatics, historical materialism
Дата публикации06.09.2022
Кол-во символов14893
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1 The word “decline” is frequently, if contentiously used by historians. My PhD advisor, Ruth Macrides (of fondest memory) at the University of Birmingham, was not fond of the word. Despite wide disagreement about the word’s usage, it also fulfills the vague function of defining certain periods, even if the word choice is seldom explained. One example is Gibbon’s notorious characterization of Byzantium, “whose decline is almost coeval with her foundation [...] in the lapse of a thousand years,” [Gibbon, 1776, vol. VI, pp. LXIV:IV] constitutes a self-anathematizing position for Byzantinists. While Khazaria generally receives less impassioned defense from historians regarding “decline,” the word’s usage is perhaps merited since it separates a period of stability (9–10th century) from a later period of inexistence, even if historians disagree on the exact dating of the disappearance. Nevertheless, there are probable causes of Khazaria’s decline, which preceded the disappearance: the dissolution of Byzantium’s traditionally decent relationship with Khazaria, arguably due to the official adoption of Judaism instead of Christianity. This research will explore whether the underlying cause of Khazaria’s decline was due to might or money? The story begins with the Byzantine commitment and investment in Christianizing Khazaria – which is revealed above all in the well-known Notitiae Episcopatuum.
2 Composed in the mid-8th – mid-9th century, the Notitia Episcopatuum 3 records the Byzantine eparchy of Gotthia, an ecclesiastical region which theoretically covered most of Khazaria, primarily the Crimean and Taman’ peninsulas [Notitiae Episcopatuum, 1981, p. 42–45, 241–242; Komatina, 2013, p. 204; Obolensky, 1971, p. 174; Vasiliev, 1936, p. 97]. However, the precise dating and possession of Crimea and Taman’ by Byzantium, Khazaria or Rus’ is debated [Sorochan, 2014, с. 278–297; Chhaidze, 2018, p. 721–730; Slyadz, 2015, с. 161–174; Zuckerman, 2017, p. 311–336]. Nevertheless, this was a time of détente between Byzantium and Khazaria. The question arises: what happened to the détente, and does it relate to Khazaria’s disappearance?
3 Concurrently, the NE 3 outlined a metropolitan list of sees which sought to Christianize Khazaria [Notitiae Episcopatuum, 1981, p. 32–33; Vasiliev, 1936, p. 97–102; Obolensky, 1971, p. 174–175; Pritsak, 1978, p. 263–266; Науменко, 2005, c. 231–244; Shepard, 1998, p. 18–20; Howard-Johnston, 2007, p. 171–172; Olsson, 2013, p. 504–524; Zuckerman, 2006, p. 203; Dudek, 2016, map 4]. The suffragan list included the Chotzirs (Khazars) near Foullon (Foullai, present Crimean Koktebel)1, Astel/Itīl’ (in the Volga delta), the Chouales/Chwalisians2, the Onogours of Reteg (Terek River of the north Caucasus) [Vasiliev, 1936, p. 100; Obolensky, 1971, p. 174–175], the Huns3 and Tamatarcha/Tmutarakan’ [Moravcsik, 1967, p. 22–24; Chhaidze, 2013, p. 47–68]. An imperial eparchy, covering much of Khazaria in Pontic-Caspian Eurasia, from the lower Volga to the Caucasus to Crimea is visible. Yet it did not endure, ostensibly due to Byzantine disappointment with Khazaria’s adoption of Judaism instead [Shepard, 1998, p. 19; Obolensky, 1971, p. 174–175; Howard-Johnston, 2007, p. 172]. But when did relations sour? Regardless of the NE 3’s dating, Byzantine collaboration with Khazaria continued as late as 841, since the DAI records that emperor Theophilos ensured the construction of the Khazarian Sarkel fortress on the Don, near today’s Cimljansk in southern Russia [De Administrando Imperio, 1967, p. 42; Zuckerman, 1997, p. 210–222; Zhivkov, 2015, p. 243; Afanasyev, 2001, p. 47–51]. 1. Foullai’s exact location is debated. It is identified either as Sougdaia/Sudak [Sorochan, 2004, p. 84], Chufut-kale [Vasiliev, 1936, p. 98] or on the Tepsen Plateau in the southeast Crimea close to Koktebel [Mogarichev, Mayko, 2015, p. 130–134; Brook, 2018, p. 36–37; Noonan, 1999, p. 209–226]. I am inclined to agree with the latter location.

2. The location is uncertain; theories have been proposed from the Caspian coastline to Pannonia [Vasiliev, 1936, p. 99–100; Çoban, 2012, p. 56; Türk, 2012, p. 242–243; Berend, 2014, p. 203–204; Dobrovits, 2011, p. 392].

3. The see of the Huns is also debated. It is identified with the Black Bulgars and/or Magyars in the Don River region [Vasiliev, 1936, p. 100–101; Zhivkov, 2015, p. 127–129], or in the Kuban River region of southern Russia [Obolensky, 1971, p. 175].
4 Two 8th–9th-century hagiographies provide useful information about Khazar tolerance for Christianity. The hagiography of Ioannes of Gotthia, compiled anonymously in the early 9th century, tells the story of a certain Ioannes from Parthenitai (present Alushta) in Crimea who became the bishop of Crimean Gotthia. He led a failed rebellion against the Khazar domination of Doros (present Mangup; 22 km east of Sevastopol) and died after returning to Amastris on the northern Anatolian coast in 791–792 [Mogarichev et al., 2007, p. 192–193; Auzépy, 2006, p. 80; Alf’orov, 2013, p. 360–367; Vasiliev, 1936, p. 89–97]. The hagiography presents the khağan as an oppressive figure, but not Jewish; “there had been hopes in John's lifetime for the conversion of Chazaria to Christianity” [Ioannes of Gotthia, Vita, tr. Huxley, 1978, p. 164]. Likewise, the hagiography of Abo of Tiflis presents a general Khazar tolerance of Christianity, whose Christianity was still a work-in-progress by 786 [Abo of Tiflis, Vita, tr. Lang, 1976, p. 115–133; Peeters, 1934, p. 21–56; Howard-Johnston, 2007, p. 169; Vasiliev, 1936, p. 96]. These hagiographies’ significance is bound to Gotthia’s status as an eparchy in the NE 3 during the iconoclast era [Obolensky, 1971, p. 174; Feldman, 2013, p. 27–56].

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