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Modern Ideological Challenges To The Rule Of The CPC
 
PIIS013122270023229-2-1
DOI10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-10-13-23
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Alexandr V. Lomanov 
Affiliation: Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO)
Address: 23, Profsoyuznaya Str., Moscow, 117997, Russian Federation
Journal nameMirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia
EditionVolume 66 Issue 10
Pages13-23
Abstract

China's ability to regulate and control the situation in the ideological sphere has increased markedly during the recent decade. At the same time, Chinese society is becoming more and more diverse, which makes social thought more and more heterogeneous. The article focuses on the changes that have taken place in relations between the ideology of CPC and non-official trends of thought. Through publications of Chinese researchers the article analyzes the key aspects of the CPC policy aimed at strengthening the leadership of the official ideology and preventing radicalization of public sentiment. In China experts are especially concerned about the ability of non-mainstream ideas to challenge the “national ideological security”. The increase in the influence of official ideology led to weakening of neo-liberalism, universal values, and historical nihilism. However, the mode of interaction between the official ideology of the CPC and other ideological currents cannot be reduced to confrontation between “Chinese authoritarianism” and “Western liberalism”. The full picture can be seen only by taking into account the complex relationship of Party ideology with the diverse ideas of the “gray” zone. Intense debates in China are focused on trends that have no clear theoretical basis and political orientation, but are capable to mobilize masses and radicalize public sentiment. The authorities search for optimal response to outbursts of radical Internet-populism while seeking to put nationalism and consumerism into reasonable limits. The reaction of Chinese society to the coronavirus epidemic has demonstrated that at a time of crisis and decrease in people's confidence in the effectiveness of the work of the state there was an explosive growth of pro-Western and populist sentiments. The task of combining the leading role of the normative ideology of the CPC with the diversity of social ideas will remain relevant over a long time.

KeywordsChina, ideological security, Marxism, liberalism, Westernization, values, populism, social justice
AcknowledgmentThe article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783)
Received18.07.2022
Publication date23.11.2022
Number of characters38306
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Table of contents

КРИТИКА, ЛИДЕРСТВО, УПРАВЛЕНИЕ
ОТСТУПЛЕНИЕ “ЧЕРНОГО”
УДАР ЭПИДЕМИИ
* * *
1 После избрания в 2012 г. Си Цзиньпина на пост генерального секретаря ЦК КПК правящая партия заметно укрепила позиции официальной идеологии и усилила контроль над идейно-теоретическими спорами. По сравнению с прошлыми десятилетиями в академических кругах стало меньше острых дискуссий о социальных проблемах и пути развития страны. Вместе с тем китайское общество становится все более многообразным, что усиливает разнородность настроений и взглядов населения. Динамика изменений в идеологической сфере, произошедших за годы пребывания у власти Си Цзиньпина, отражается не только в росте авторитета провластного мировоззренческого мейнстрима, но и в появлении многочисленных альтернативных идейных течений и систем приоритетов, зачастую не имеющих отчетливой теоретической базы и политической ориентации, а также в реакции КПК на их распространение.
2

КРИТИКА, ЛИДЕРСТВО, УПРАВЛЕНИЕ
3 Предвестием судьбоносных изменений в идейной жизни страны стало изданное в апреле 2013 г. канцелярией ЦК КПК “Уведомление о современной ситуации в сфере идеологии”, известное также как “документ номер 9”. “Уведомление” не опубликовано открыто, однако после утечки в гонконгские СМИ получило широкую известность на Западе. В документе перечислены “ошибочные идейные течения”, распространение которых способно повредить продвижению реформ и стабильному развитию Китая. На первом месте упомянута пропаганда западной конституционной демократии, отрицающей существующую власть и политический строй социализма с китайской спецификой. Было подчеркнуто, что концепция универсальных ценностей расшатывает идейно-теоретическую базу правления КПК, а идея гражданского общества подрывает социальную базу партии. Указывалось, что распространение неолиберализма нацелено на изменение основного экономического строя КНР, пропаганда западного взгляда на СМИ бросает вызов принципам КПК в управлении СМИ, а исторический нигилизм полностью отрицает историю КПК и КНР. Завершающий пункт предупреждал об опасности “сомнений в реформах и открытости” в форме рассуждений об “отказе от социализма”, построении в Китае “капитал-социализма”, “государственного капитализма”, “нового бюрократического капитализма” (цит. по [1, pp. 295-300]).
4 Западные исследователи сочли “Уведомление” поворотной точкой в изменении системы регулирования идейной сферы в КНР. Джозеф Фьюсмит отметил, что в период реформ периодически имел место зажим общественных дискуссий, однако со временем сторонники преобразований вновь обретали возможность открыто обсуждать свои идеи ради обретения поддержки. Появление документа стало свидетельством стремления Си Цзиньпина “резко повернуть вспять эту тенденцию” [2, p. 146]. Тони Сайч назвал документ “одним из самых консервативных” за годы реформ, “сделавшим жесткий подход очевидным и шокировавшим интеллектуальное сообщество”, и отметил, что “такого холода не чувствовали много-много лет” [3, p. 405]. Дэвид Шамбо заявил, что документ выявил нацеленность Си Цзиньпина на “контроль и уничтожение любых форм кажущейся политической оппозиции”, обнажил “крайнюю враждебность режима по отношению к Западу, западной системе, западным ценностям и западным практикам” [1, p. 300].

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