Romania’s Foreign Policy after NATO and EU Accession

 
PIIS013122270007843-8-1
DOI10.20542/0131-2227-2019-63-11-66-75
Publication type Article
Status Published
Authors
Occupation: Assistant Vice Rector for Academic Affairs, Deputy Dean, School of Basic Training
Affiliation: Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
Address: 76, Vernadskogo Prosp., Moscow 119454, Russian Federation
Journal nameMirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia
EditionVolume 63 Issue 11
Pages66-75
Abstract

The article examines Romania’s foreign policy after its accession to NATO and the European Union. The main directions of this policy are analyzed: relations with the U.S. and NATO, the county’s role within the EU, Black Sea policy, relations with Russia, Hungary, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. The main point is that Romanian diplomacy has broken away with its historical tradition of being unreliable ally and balancing between major powers. Romania’s strategy is to strengthen as far as possible its ties to the United States, especially in the military sphere. It is seen by Bucharest as a means to enhance its own influence. Deployment of American troops in Romania and hosting of the U.S. anti-missile defense system are the main actions in this direction. Interaction within the EU has not been entirely successful for the country. It is still outside the Schengen zone and the Eurozone. The Mechanism for Cooperation and Verification has not been lifted. Relations with France and Germany were not as positive as they could be because of Romania’s declaration of the Washington-London-Bucharest axis. Bucharest tries to increase its influence in the Black Sea region, but faces opposition not only from Russia, but from Turkey as well. Relations with Russia have deteriorated since mid-2000s, long before the Crimean and Ukrainian crises. Turkey is cautious when it comes to Romania’s initiatives to revise the Black Sea regime. In the long run Bucharest seeks unification with the Republic of Moldova, according to President Basescu’s statements. All political forces within the country consider Romania and Moldova as “the two Romanian states”. Romania’s influence in Moldova has increased significantly, and pan-Romanian unionism is on the rise. Hardly can Bucharest change its post-accession priorities in foreign policy. Its image is now similar to Poland.

KeywordsRomania, NATO, EU, Moldova, Black Sea region, Transylvania, Euro-Atlantic security, anti-missile defense, unionism
Received09.12.2019
Publication date09.12.2019
Number of characters30771
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1 В Румынии исторически сформировалась внешнеполитическая традиция, существовавшая при различных политических режимах и системах международных отношений. Для нее характерны тщательный анализ баланса сил в регионе и Европе в целом, ориентация на наиболее мощную внешнюю силу и готовность к быстрой переориентации в случае изменения международной обстановки. Румыния традиционно не считалась надежным союзником и рассматривала альянсы с великими державами исключительно как средство реализации собственных национальных интересов. Это было характерно, например, для действий Румынии в обеих мировых войнах и холодной войне.
2 С завершением холодной войны и формированием однополярного мира поле для маневра румынской дипломатии значительно сузилось. После распада СССР главным внешнеполитическим приоритетом Румынии стало вступление в НАТО и Евросоюз, что соответствовало практике ориентации на наиболее мощную внешнюю силу. В 2004 г. Румыния стала членом НАТО, в 2007 г. – ЕС.
3 Достижение главных задач румынской дипломатии совпало со сменой власти. В декабре 2004 г. президентом был избран правый политик Т. Бэсеску. В последующие 10 лет он проводил амбициозную внешнюю политику, стремясь усилить роль Румынии как союзника США, укрепить ее положение в Черноморском регионе и способствовать реализации долгосрочных целей на молдавском направлении.
4 Данный курс отражал изменение румынской внешнеполитической традиции. В части, касающейся ориентации на наиболее мощную внешнюю силу, он соответствовал ей. Но степень лояльности политике своего главного союзника и масштаб межсоюзнического взаимодействия были нетипичны для румынской дипломатии. Трансформация внешнеполитической традиции Румынии имеет большое значение для всего региона.
5

ОТНОШЕНИЯ С США И НАТО

6 Главными приоритетами внешней политики Румынии являются стратегическое партнерство с Соединеными Штатами и взаимодействие в рамках альянса. В румынских доктринальных документах НАТО традиционно стоит на первом месте, в том числе в стратегии национальной безопасности 2006 г. и стратегии национальной обороны 2015 г. Отношения с США – единственные двусторонние отношения, которые в данных документах определяются как стратегическое партнерство [1; 2].
7 В декабре 2004 г. Т. Бэсеску заявил, что главным направлением его внешней политики будет “ось Вашингтон–Лондон–Бухарест” [3]. Данная концепция приобрела доктринальное значение. Незадолго до этого между ведущими странами Запада обострились разногласия по войне в Ираке. В этих условиях акцентирование ориентации на США и Великобританию имело демонстративный характер, подтверждало лояльность политике Вашингтона, в том числе в случае межсоюзнических разногласий.
8 В марте 2005 г. по итогам визита румынского лидера в Вашингтон президент Дж. Буш мл. заявил, что Румыния – это “особый союзник”, и высоко оценил личные качества и политическую программу Т. Бэсеску [4]. В том же году Румыния стала первой страной Центрально-Восточной Европы (ЦВЕ), которая дала разрешение разместить американские военные базы на своей территории. Соответствующее соглашение было подписано в декабре 2005 г. в ходе визита госсекретаря К. Райс в Бухарест. Фактически договор был бессрочным: он был заключен на 10 лет и далее автоматически остается в силе, пока одна из сторон не решит выйти из него, предупредив за год другую сторону [5, p. 8]. В Румынии были размещены четыре военных объекта США: аэродром “Михай Когэлничану” в окрестностях Констанцы и тренировочные базы недалеко от черноморского побережья в Трансильвании. Постоянное иностранное военное присутствие появилось в стране впервые после вывода советских войск в 1958 г. Парламент в 2007 г. установил предельную численность американского военного контингента в 3 тыс. человек, но впоследствии (в 2015 г.) отменил количественные ограничения.

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